为您找到与比尔盖茨在哈弗大学毕业演讲 英语相关的共200个结果:
比尔盖茨是世界首富,是著名的慈善家。今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇比尔盖茨在哈佛大学毕业典礼上的演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
President Bok, former President Rudenstine, incoming President Faust, members of the Harvard Corporation and the Board of Overseers, members of the faculty, parents, and especially, the graduates:
尊敬的 Bok 校长, Rudenstine 前校长,即将上任的 Faust 校长,哈佛集团的各位成员,监管理事会的各位理事,各位老师,各位家长,各位同学:
I’ve been waiting more than 30 years to say this: Dad, I always told you I’d come back and get my degree.
有一句话我等了三十年,现在终于可以说了: “ 老爸,我总是跟你说,我会回来拿到我的学位的!”
I want to thank Harvard for this timely honor. I’ll be changing my job next year … and it will be nice to finally have a college degree on my resume.
我要感谢哈佛大学在这个时候给我这个荣誉。明年,我就要换工作了(注:指从微软公司退休) …… 我终于可以在简历上写我有一个本科学位,这真是不错啊。
I applaud the graduates today for taking a much more direct route to your degrees. For my part, I’m just happy that the Crimson has called me Harvard’s most successful dropout. I guess that makes me valedictorian of my own special class … I did the best of everyone who failed.
我为今天在座的各位同学感到高兴,你们拿到学位可比我简单多了。哈佛的校报称我是 “ 哈佛大学历史上最成功的辍学生 ” 。我想这大概使我有资格代表我这一类学生发言 …… 在所有的失败者里,我做得最好。
But I also want to be recognized as the guy who got Steve Ballmer to drop out of business school. I’m a bad influence. That’s why I was invited to speak at your graduation. If I had spoken at your orientation, fewer of you might be here today.
但是,我还要提醒大家,我使得 Steve Ballmer (注:微软总经理)也从哈佛商学院退学了。因此,我是个有着恶劣影响力的人。这就是为什么我被邀请来在你们的毕业典礼上演讲。如果我在你们入学欢迎仪式上演讲,那么能够坚持到今天在这里毕业的人也许会少得多吧。
Harvard was just a phenomenal experience for me. Academic life was fascinating. I used to sit in on lots of classes I hadn’t even signed up for. And dorm life was terrific. I lived up at Radcliffe, in Currier House. There were always lots of people in my dorm room late at night discussing things, because everyone knew I didn’t worry about getting up in the morning. That’s how I came to be the leader of the anti-social group. We clung to each other as a way of validating our rejection of all those social people.
对我来说,哈佛的求学经历是一段非凡的经历。校园生活很有趣,我常去旁听我没选修的课。哈佛的课外生活也很棒,我在 Radcliffe 过着逍遥自在 的日子。每天我的寝室里总有很多人一直待到半夜,讨论着各种事情。因为每个人都知道我从不考虑第二天早起。这使得我变成了校园里那些不安分学生的头头,我们互相粘在一起,做出一种拒绝所有正常学生的姿态。
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Radcliffe was a great place to live. There were more women up there, and most of the guys were science-math types. That combination offered me the best odds, if you know what I mean. This is where I learned the sad lesson that improving your odds doesn’t guarantee success.
Radcliffe 是个过日子的好地方。那里的女生比男生多,而且大多数男生都是理工科的。这种状况为我创造了最好的机会,如果你们明白我的意思。可惜的是,我正是在这里学到了人生中悲伤的一课:机会大,并不等于你就会成功。
One of my biggest memories of Harvard came in January 1975, when I made a call from Currier House to a company in Albuquerque that had begun making the world’s first personal computers. I offered to sell them software.
我在哈佛最难忘的回忆之一,发生在 1975 年 1 月。那时,我从宿舍楼里给位于 Albuquerque 的一家公司打了一个电话,那家公司已经在着手制造世界上第一台个人电脑。我提出想向他们出售软件。
I worried that they would realize I was just a student in a dorm and hang up on me. Instead they said: We’re not quite ready, come see us in a month, which was a good thing, because we hadn’t written the software yet. From that moment, I worked day and night on this little extra credit project that marked the end of my college education and the beginning of a remarkable journey with microsoft.
我很担心,他们会发觉我是一个住在宿舍的学生,从而挂断电话。但是他们却说: “ 我们还没准备好,一个月后你再来找我们吧。 ” 这是个好消息,因为那时 软件还根本没有写出来呢。就是从那个时候起,我日以继夜地在这个小小的课外项目上工作,这导致了我学生生活的结束,以及通往微软公司的不平凡的旅程的开 始。
What I remember above all about Harvard was being in the midst of so much energy and Intelligence. It could be exhilarating, intimidating, sometimes even discouraging, but always challenging. It was an amazing privilege – and though I left early, I was transformed by my years at Harvard, the friendships I made, and the ideas I worked on.
不管怎样,我对哈佛的回忆主要都与充沛的精力和智力活动有关。哈佛的生活令人愉快,也令人感到有压力,有时甚至会感到泄气,但永远充满了挑战性。生 活在哈佛是一种吸引人的特殊待遇 …… 虽然我离开得比较早,但是我在这里的经历、在这里结识的朋友、在这里发展起来的一些想法,永远地改变了我。
But taking a serious look back … I do have one big regret.
但是,如果现在严肃地回忆起来,我确实有一个真正的遗憾。
I left Harvard with no real awareness of the awful inequities in the world – the appalling disparities of health, and wealth, and opportunity that condemn millions of people to lives of despair.
我离开哈佛的时候,根本没有意识到这个世界是多么的不平等。人类在健康、财富和机遇上的不平等大得可怕,它们使得无数的人们被迫生活在绝望之中。
I learned a lot here at Harvard about new ideas in economics and politics. I got great exposure to the advances being made in the sciences.
我在哈佛学到了很多经济学和政治学的新思想。我也了解了很多科学上的新进展。
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But humanity’s greatest advances are not in its discoveries – but in how those discoveries are applied to reduce inequity. Whether through democracy, strong public education, quality health care, or broad economic opportunity – reducing inequity is the highest human achievement.
但是,人类最大的进步并不来自于这些发现,而是来自于那些有助于减少人类不平等的发现。不管通过何种手段 —— 民主制度、健全的公共教育体系、高质量的医疗保健、还是广泛的经济机会 —— 减少不平等始终是人类最大的成就。
I left campus knowing little about the millions of young people cheated out of educational opportunities here in this country. And I knew nothing about the millions of people living in unspeakable poverty and disease in developing countries.
我离开校园的时候,根本不知道在这个国家里,有几百万的年轻人无法获得接受教育的机会。我也不知道,发展中国家里有无数的人们生活在无法形容的贫穷和疾病之中。
It took me decades to find out.
我花了几十年才明白了这些事情。
You graduates came to Harvard at a different time. You know more about the world’s inequities than the classes that came before. In your years here, I hope you’ve had a chance to think about how – in this age of accelerating technology – we can finally take on these inequities, and we can solve them.
在座的各位同学,你们是在与我不同的时代来到哈佛的。你们比以前的学生,更多地了解世界是怎样的不平等。在你们的哈佛求学过程中,我希望你们已经思考过一个问题,那就是在这个新技术加速发展的时代,我们怎样最终应对这种不平等,以及我们怎样来解决这个问题。
Imagine, just for the sake of discussion, that you had a few hours a week and a few dollars a month to donate to a cause – and you wanted to spend that time and money where it would have the greatest impact in saving and improving lives. Where would you spend it?
为了讨论的方便,请想象一下,假如你每个星期可以捐献一些时间、每个月可以捐献一些钱 —— 你希望这些时间和金钱,可以用到对拯救生命和改善人类生活有最大作用的地方。你会选择什么地方?
For Melinda and for me, the challenge is the same: how can we do the most good for the greatest number with the resources we have.
对 Melinda (注:盖茨的妻子)和我来说,这也是我们面临的问题:我们如何能将我们拥有的资源发挥出最大的作用。
During our discussions on this question, Melinda and I read an article about the millions of children who were dying every year in poor countries from diseases that we had long ago made harmless in this country. Measles, malaria, pneumonia, hepatitis B, yellow fever. One disease I had never even heard of, rotavirus, was killing half a million kids each year – none of them in the United States.
在讨论过程中, Melinda 和我读到了一篇文章,里面说在那些贫穷的国家,每年有数百万的儿童死于那些在美国早已不成问题的疾病。麻疹、疟疾、肺炎、乙型肝炎、黄热病、还有一种以前我从未听说过的轮状病毒,这些疾病每年导致 50 万儿童死亡,但是在美国一例死亡病例也没有。
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We were shocked. We had just assumed that if millions of children were dying and they could be saved, the world would make it a priority to discover and deliver the medicines to save them. But it did not. For under a dollar, there were interventions that could save lives that just weren’t being delivered.
我们被震惊了。我们想,如果几百万儿童正在死亡线上挣扎,而且他们是可以被挽救的,那么世界理应将用药物拯救他们作为头等大事。但是事实并非如此。那些价格还不到一美元的救命的药剂,并没有送到他们的手中。
If you believe that every life has equal value, it’s revolting to learn that some lives are seen as worth saving and others are not. We said to ourselves: This can’t be true. But if it is true, it deserves to be the priority of our giving.
如果你相信每个生命都是平等的,那么当你发现某些生命被挽救了,而另一些生命被放弃了,你会感到无法接受。我们对自己说: “ 事情不可能如此。如果这是真的,那么它理应是我们努力的头等大事。 ”
So we began our work in the same way anyone here would begin it. We asked: How could the world let these children die?
所以,我们用任何人都会想到的方式开始工作。我们问: “ 这个世界怎么可以眼睁睁看着这些孩子死去? ”
The answer is simple, and harsh. The market did not reward saving the lives of these children, and governments did not subsidize it. So the children died because their mothers and their fathers had no power in the market and no voice in the system.
答案很简单,也很令人难堪。在市场经济中,拯救儿童是一项没有利润的工作,政府也不会提供补助。这些儿童之所以会死亡,是因为他们的父母在经济上没有实力,在政治上没有能力发出声音。
But you and I have both.
但是,你们和我在经济上有实力,在政治上能够发出声音。
We can make market forces work better for the poor if we can develop a more creative capitalism – if we can stretch the reach of market forces so that more people can make a profit, or at least make a living, serving people who are suffering from the worst inequities. We also can press governments around the world to spend taxpayer money in ways that better reflect the values of the people who pay the taxes.
我们可以让市场更好地为穷人服务,如果我们能够设计出一种更有创新性的资本主义制度 —— 如果我们可以改变市场,让更多的人可以获得利润,或者至少可 以维持生活 —— 那么,这就可以帮到那些正在极端不平等的状况中受苦的人们。我们还可以向全世界的政府施压,要求他们将纳税人的钱,花到更符合纳税人价值观 的地方。
If we can find approaches that meet the needs of the poor in ways that generate profits for business and votes for politicians, we will have found a sustainable way to reduce inequity in the world. This task is open-ended. It can never be finished. But a conscious effort to answer this challenge will change the world.
如果我们能够找到这样一种方法,既可以帮到穷人,又可以为商人带来利润,为政治家带来选票,那么我们就找到了一种减少世界性不平等的可持续的发展道路。这个任务是无限的。它不可能被完全完成,但是任何自觉地解决这个问题的尝试,都将会改变这个世界。
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I am optimistic that we can do this, but I talk to skeptics who claim there is no hope. They say: Inequity has been with us since the beginning, and will be with us till the end – because people just … don’t … care. I completely disagree.
在这个问题上,我是乐观的。但是,我也遇到过那些感到绝望的怀疑主义者。他们说: “ 不平等从人类诞生的第一天就存在,到人类灭亡的最后一天也将存在。 —— 因为人类对这个问题根本不在乎。” 我完全不能同意这种观点。
I believe we have more caring than we know what to do with.
我相信,问题不是我们不在乎,而是我们不知道怎么做。
All of us here in this Yard, at one time or another, have seen human tragedies that broke our hearts, and yet we did nothing – not because we didn’t care, but because we didn’t know what to do. If we had known how to help, we would have acted.
此刻在这个院子里的所有人,生命中总有这样或那样的时刻,目睹人类的悲剧,感到万分伤心。但是我们什么也没做,并非我们无动于衷,而是因为我们不知道做什么和怎么做。如果我们知道如何做是有效的,那么我们就会采取行动。
The barrier to change is not too little caring; it is too much complexity.
改变世界的阻碍,并非人类的冷漠,而是世界实在太复杂。
To turn caring into action, we need to see a problem, see a solution, and see the impact. But complexity blocks all three steps.
为了将关心转变为行动,我们需要找到问题,发现解决办法的方法,评估后果。但是世界的复杂性使得所有这些步骤都难于做到。
Even with the advent of the Internet and 24-hour news, it is still a complex enterprise to get people to truly see the problems. When an airplane crashes, officials iMMediately call a press conference. They promise to investigate, determine the cause, and prevent similar crashes in the future.
即使有了互联网和 24 小时直播的新闻台,让人们真正发现问题所在,仍然十分困难。当一架飞机坠毁了,官员们会立刻召开新闻发布会,他们承诺进行调查、找到原因、防止将来再次发生类似事故。
But if the officials were brutally honest, they would say: Of all the people in the world who died today from preventable causes, one half of one percent of them were on this plane. We’re determined to do everything possible to solve the problem that took the lives of the one half of one percent.
但是如果那些官员敢说真话,他们就会说: “ 在今天这一天,全世界所有可以避免的死亡之中,只有0.5% 的死者来自于这次空难。我们决心尽一切努力,调查这个 0.5% 的死亡原因。 ”
看了“"比尔盖茨在哈佛大学毕业典礼上的演讲稿"”
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英语不是我们的母语,所以在演讲中使用英语有一定的难度,那英语演讲技巧与训练方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了英语演讲技巧与训练方法,供你阅读参考。
第一个建议就是对于单词的发音,不管你有没有口音,一定要做到八个字:元音饱满、辅音短促。我听过一些孩纸不错的音频资料,最大的问题在于演讲或配音朗读过程中为了达到所谓的“流利”,整个人像开了挂似的提速度,速度一快就容易车祸:很多元音(特别是双元音)刚刚读到一半,口腔还没到位就开始读下一个单词,这样会让评委听起来你很慌张以为你巴不得马上说完走人、负分滚粗、好吗。
第二个建议和连读有关,这个太重要了但往往又被忽视,原因可能是中文朗读的时候字与字之间基本上不会存在连读现象。英语演讲你不连读的后果就是听到的单词一个一个脱节地往外啪啪啪地蹦,毫无流畅度,基本上也就失去了竞争力。最容易训练的一类连读是“辅尾-元首”型的连读(即第一个单词以辅音结尾和第二个单词以元音开头),举个例子进行反复操练吧:I get up at eight every day. 其中可以连读的单词组有:get up、up at、at eight、eight every。
第三,也是在演讲中可以出彩的地方:语调。英语的语调不像汉字有四声,因此相比之下更灵活多变,完全可以根据你的情绪和演讲的重点进行调整。听过不少发音和发育都不错的孩纸在朗读时全程竟没有一丝高低起伏、凹凸有致的地方,宛如一台生锈的推土机野蛮笔直地开过金黄的麦田,多可惜呀。所以说,好的演讲不一定是讲得快而是讲得抑扬顿挫!
英语演讲技巧与训练相关
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演讲稿的完成只是演讲的序幕,要进行成功的演讲则要进行严格的训练。英语演讲训练方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了英语演讲训练方法,供你阅读参考。
1. 演讲前的准备是搞好演讲的前提
首先是要确立一个题目或一个话题。一般演讲赛都分为命题演讲和即兴演讲。拟定好话题后的第二步就是演讲材料的收集与整理。其中最好的方法就是有计划地阅读大量的英语原文以及各类英语报刊杂志,阅读是一个循序渐进的过程,同时也是培养英语思维的过程,对提高英语的口头表达能力和书面表达能力是至关重要的。
演讲稿写作
2. 演讲稿的写作演讲稿首先开头要开门见山
既要一下子抓住听众又要提出你的观点,中间要用各种方法和所准备的材料说明、支持你的论点,感染听众,然后在结尾加强说明论点或得出结论,结束演讲。演讲稿的写作有严格的要求,就内容而言要主题鲜明,表达完整;就文章组织结构而言要思维清晰,逻辑性强;就语言而言要有感染力、形象生动。结尾加强论点。
进行演讲
3. 进行演讲具备演讲的知识和技巧
演讲稿的完成只是演讲的序幕,要进行成功的演讲则要进行严格的训练。训练时,分析演讲要领,训练演讲技巧和姿势语,观看CCTV杯和爱立信杯等英语演讲的录像,了解并按照比赛评分标准进行严格的模拟训练,观察演讲过程是否具备以下特点:主题鲜明,表达完整(演讲内容);思维清晰,逻辑性强(文章组织结构);感情充沛,富有表现力(演讲气势);发音正确,语音语调标准(英语语音);反应敏捷,回答准确(心理素质);着装整洁,仪态大方等等。
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四年前,我们拥有6个在一起的春秋,每一次游戏,每一次探讨,每一次争吵,都将成为我记忆中珍贵的一页。毕业来临各奔东西,但你我情谊不变。下面读文网小编整理了有关大学毕业朗诵的演讲稿,供你阅读参考。
今天,我们怀着无比喜悦的心情,在这里隆重举行乃纺小学2008届小学生毕业典礼。这是一个光荣的时刻,也是一个庄严而充满希望的时刻。我们今天在这里,不仅是为了举行一个毕业典礼,也是为了见证你们得来不易的成功与智慧,见证你们新的未来的开始。作为我们,十分高兴地与你们在一起分享此刻的荣耀;作为你们的母校,也为你们的成长与进步而沉浸在巨大的喜悦之中。
首先,我祝贺你们顺利地完成了小学六年的学习任务,祝贺你们就要从一个新的起点开始人生又一段新的征程!同时,我也要向为你们成长倾注了无数心血的师长们的表示深深的敬意。正是他们的言传身教,无私奉献,才使我们共同迎来了这个充满喜悦的丰收季节。有人说,少年是一本太仓促的书,是的,六年两千多页就这样匆匆翻过。回首来时的路,从牙牙学语到今天的懂事少年,你们留下了一串串深深浅浅的足印。你们勤奋向上,各方面都取得了长足的进步;你们激扬文字,对学校的很多工作提出了很好的意见和建议;你们众志成城,从容面对各种考试和考验;你们追求进步,以成竹在胸的姿态迎接各种检查。作为乃纺小学的毕业生,我为你们对母校的深切的责任感和深深地爱恋之情感动与骄傲。考场上下、课堂内外,你们为母校赢得了无数荣誉,你们的一个个名字也闪烁着耀眼的光环!
毕业了,不能忘记隐藏在你们耀眼光环后面的全体老师那亲切、平易而疲惫的脸庞。多少个不眠之夜,老师们为你们筹谋畅想。你还记得吗?当你不交作业时,是老师追着你,催着你,让你完成;当你摔跤时,是老师在扶起你、关怀你,让你破涕为笑;当你遇到困难时,是老师在呵护你、鼓励你,令你增强信心;当你犯错误时,是他们在纠正你、原谅你,让你奋进!老师每一次与你长谈之后,泪流满面的你可否注意到了老师双眸中那盈盈的泪光?他们,甚至比你的父母更了解你的愿望需求,更明白你的喜怒哀乐,更知道你的优点和不足!
毕业了,依依不舍的是彼此之间建立了很深的感情。老师们喜欢课堂上你们思索的眼神,也欣赏运动场上你们风一样掠过的青春身影;
有关大学毕业朗诵的演讲稿相关
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经典是最能表现本行业的精髓的、最具代表性的,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲经典句式,希望对大家有所帮助。
I want to remind... 我想提醒……
例如:
I want to remind you that it’s never too late to learn. (我想提醒你们,无论何时开始学习都不迟。)
I want to remind you all that we share the responsibility. (我想提醒大家,我们都得承担责任。)
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开场白是演出或其他开场时引入本题的道白,比喻文章、介绍或讲话等开始的部分,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲经典开场白,希望对大家有所帮助。
Ladies and Gentlemen, Good morning! I’m very glad to stand here and give you a short speech. Man’s life is a proceof growing up, actually I’m standing here is a growth. If a person’s life must constituted by various choices, then I grow up along with these choices. Once I hope I can study in a college in future, however that’s passed, as you know I come here, now I wonder what the future holds for me. When I come to this school, I told to myself: this my near future, all starts here. Following I will learn to become a man, a integrated man, who has a fine body, can take on important task, has independent thought, an open mind, intensive thought, has the ability to judge right and wrong, has a perfect job. Once my teacher said :” you are not sewing, you are stylist; never forget which you should lay out to people is your thought, not craft.&rdquo#from I will put my personality with my interest and ability into my study, during these proceI will combine learning with doing. If I can achieve this “future”, I think that I really grow up. And I deeply believe kindred, good-fellowship and love will perfection and happy in the future. How to say future? Maybe it’s a nice wish. Lets make up our minds, stick to it and surely well enjoy our life.
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即兴演讲,就是在特定的情境和主体的诱发下,自发或被要求立即进行的当众说话,是一种不凭借文稿来表情达意的口语交际活动,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些语即兴演讲技巧,希望对大家有所帮助。
即兴演讲多是在一种激动的场合下进行的,没有人乐意听长篇讲话,因此必须短小精悍。短小,指篇幅而言;精悍,指内容而言。即兴演讲不能象命题演讲那样讲究布局谋篇,但也要结构合理,详略得当,要有快节奏风格和一气呵成的气势,切忌颠三倒四,离题万里,拖泥带水,重复拉杂。
看了“"英语即兴演讲技巧"”
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当你认识新的人时,介绍自己是非常重要的。你一定会想要在告诉别人有关自己的事时,给别人留下好印象。读文网小编为大家整理了初中英语简短自我介绍演讲稿5篇,欢迎大家阅读。
My name is Jian.I am study at NO.17 scondary vocatianal school.My profssional is English! Miss liang is my English teacher.Her English is very good,I like her very much! There are 35 professionals ang in my shool ,and there is a very big libriay ,a compute room ,dance-room ,ang a big theater in it .my shool is the best scondary vocatianal shcool of huadu schools!so ,welcome to my shool!
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经典指具有典范性、权威性的;经久不衰的万世之作,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些世界经典英语演讲片段,希望对大家有所帮助。
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to , but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
幸福并不在于单纯的占有金钱,幸福还在于取得成功后的喜悦,在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励,而去疯狂追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些黯淡的日子能使我们认识到,我们真正的使命不是要别人侍奉,而是要为自己和同胞们服务的话,那么,我们付出的代价是完全值得的。
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一篇好的演讲文,恰当的开头是必不可少的,好的开头才能吸引人们有兴趣听下去,结尾跟开头一样,引领人们回味,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲经典开头结尾,希望对大家有所帮助。
1. Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Prayer Service Address
William Jefferson Clinton
S: Thank you very much, Governor Keating and Mrs. Keating, Reverend Graham, to the families of those who have been lost and wounded, to the people of Oklahoma City, who have endured so much, and the people of this wonderful state, to all of you who are here as our fellow Americans.
E: My fellow Americans, a tree takes a long time to grow, and wounds take a long time to heal. But we must begin. Those who are lost now belong to God. Some day we will be with them. But until that happens, their legacy must be our lives. Thank you all, and God bless you. 2. Remarks at the Brandenburg Gate
Ronald Reagan
S: Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, and speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall. Well since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn to Berlin. And today, I, myself, make my second visit to your city.
We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak in this place of freedom. But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well; by the feeling of history in this city -- more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer, Paul Linke, understood something about American Presidents. You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin” [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]
E: In the 1950s -- In the 1950s Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you." 3. Address on Taking the Oath of the U.S. Presidency
Gerald R. Ford
S: Mr. Chief Justice, my dear friends, my fellow Americans:
The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under the Constitution. But I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans. This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts.
E: With all the strength and all the good sense I have gained from life, with all the confidence of my family, my friends, and my dedicated staff impart to me, and with the good will of countless Americans I have encountered in recent visits to 40 States, I now solemnly reaffirm my promise I made to you last December 6: To uphold the Constitution; to do what is right as God gives me to see the right; and to do the very best I can for America.
God helping me, I will not let you down. Thank you.
4. Energy and the National Goals - A Crisis of Confidence
Jimmy Carter
S: This a special night for me. Exactly three years ago, on July 15, 1976, I accepted the nomination of my party to run for President of the United States. I promised you a President who is not isolated from the people, who feels your pain, and who shares your dreams, and who draws his strength and his wisdom from you.
E: In closing, let me say this: I will do my best, but I will not do it alone. Let your voice be heard. Whenever you have a chance, say something good about our country. With God’s help and for the sake of our nation, it is time for us to join hands in America. Let us commit ourselves together to a rebirth of the American spirit. Working together with our common faith we cannot fail.
Thank you and good night.
5. On Vietnam and Not Seeking Reelection
Lyndon Baines Johnson
S: Good evening, my fellow Americans:
Tonight I want to speak to you of peace in Vietnam and Southeast Asia. No other question so preoccupies our people. No other dream so absorbs the 250 million human beings who live in that part of the world. No other goal motivates American policy in Southeast Asia.
E: Accordingly, I shall not seek, and I will not accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your President. But let men everywhere know, however, that a strong and a confident and a vigilant America stands ready tonight to seek an honorable peace; and stands ready tonight to defend an honored cause, whatever the price, whatever the burden, whatever the sacrifice that duty may require.
Thank you for listening. Good night and God bless all of you. 6. Cambodian Incursion Address
Richard M. Nixon
S: Good evening, my fellow Americans. Ten days ago, in my report to the nation on Vietnam, I announced the decision to withdraw an additional 150,000 Americans from Vietnam over the next year. I said then that I was making that decision despite our concern over increased enemy activity in Laos, in Cambodia, and in South Vietnam. And at that time I warned that if I concluded that increased enemy activity in any of these areas endangered the lives of Americans remaining in Vietnam, I would not hesitate to take strong and effective measures to deal with that situation. Despite that warning, North Vietnam has increased its military aggression in all these areas, and particularly in Cambodia.
E: The possibility of winning a just peace in Vietnam and in the Pacific is at stake.It is customary to conclude a speech from the White House by asking support for the President of the United States. Tonight, I depart from that precedent. What I ask is far more important. I ask for your support for our brave men fighting tonight halfway around the world, not for territory, not for glory, but so that their younger brothers and their sons and your sons can have a chance to grow up in a world of peace, and freedom, and justice. Thank you, and good night.
7. Opening Statement to the Senate Judiciary Committee
Anita Hill
S: My name is Anita F. Hill, and I am a professor of law at the University of Oklahoma. I was born on a farm in Okmulgee County, Oklahoma, in 1956. I am the youngest of 13 children. I had my early education in Okmulgee County. My father, Albert Hill, is a farmer in that area. My mother's name is Irma Hill. She is also a farmer and a housewife.
E: It would have been more comfortable to remain silent. It took no initiative to inform anyone -- I took no initiative to inform anyone. But when I was asked by a representative of this committee to report my experience, I felt that I had to tell the truth. I could not keep silent.
8. Television and the Public Interest
Newton N. Minow
S: Governor Collins, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. Governor Collins you're much too kind, as all of you have been to me the last few days. It's been a great pleasure and an honor for me to meet so many of you. And I want to thank you for this opportunity to meet with you today.
E: I urge you, I urge you to put the people's airwaves to the service of the people and the cause of freedom. You must help prepare a generation for great decisions. You must help a great nation fulfill its future.
Do this! I pledge you our help. Thank you. 9. Black Power
Stokely Carmichael
S: Thank you very much. It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started. The first is that, based on the fact that SNCC, through the articulation of its program by its chairman, has been able to win elections in Georgia, Alabama, Maryland, and by our appearance here will win an election in California, in 1968 I'm going to run for President of the United States. I just can't make it, 'cause I wasn't born in the United States. That's the only thing holding me back.
E: And then, therefore, in a larger sense there's the question of black people. We are on the move for our liberation. We have been tired of trying to prove things to white people. We are tired of trying to explain to white people that we’re not going to hurt them. We are concerned with getting the things we want, the things that we have to have to be able to function. The question is, Can white people allow for that in this country? The question is, Will white people overcome their racism and allow for that to happen in this country? If that does not happen, brothers and sisters, we have no choice but to say very clearly, "Move over, or we’re going to move on over you." Thank you.
10. Vice Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address
Geraldine Ferraro
S: Ladies and gentlemen of the convention:
My name is Geraldine Ferraro. I stand before you to proclaim tonight: America is the land where dreams can come true for all of us. As I stand before the American people and think of the honor this great convention has bestowed upon me, I recall the words of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., who made America stronger by making America more free. He said, "Occasionally in life there are moments which cannot be completely explained by words. Their meaning can only be articulated by the inaudible language of the heart." Tonight is such a moment for me. E: To all the children of America, I say: The generation before ours kept faith with us, and like them, we will pass on to you a stronger, more just America. Thank you.
看了“"英语演讲经典开头结尾"”
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演讲是一门艺术,参加英语比赛演讲,靠的不单单是英语能力,还有演讲的方式与方法,掌握正确的演讲方法可以使我们在比赛中脱颖而出,取得好成绩,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲比赛的技巧,希望对大家有所帮助。
诀窍之一是张开双脚与肩同宽,挺稳整个身躯。另一个诀窍是想办法扩散并减轻施加在身体上的紧张情绪。例如将一只手稍微插入口袋中,或者手触桌边、或者手握麦克风等等。
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英语是最多国家使用的官方语言,英语也是世界上最广泛的第二语言,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲口才技巧,希望对大家有所帮助。
要有一个结构:可以分一二三点;可以从地理上分东南西北;比较与对比;我方与他方;正面与反面;
To have a structure: such as first, second, third; geographicay, north, south, east, west; compare and contrasts; our side versus their side; negative and positive;
将材料归类整理,如笑话、趣事、名人名言、有趣的数据
看了“"英语演讲口才技巧"”
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在19至20世纪的,英国和美国在文化、经济、军事、政治和科学在世界上的领先地位使得英语成为一种国际语言,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:
I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.
In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this:
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
To give you two illustrations:
We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.
Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few.
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
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题目是指诗歌或文章的主题、意旨,书籍的标目;提出来要求解答的问题;借口,名义;评论,品题,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些第四届全国大学生英语演讲赛题目,希望对大家有所帮助。
1.How to behave when applying for a job?
2.I am proud of being Chinese
3.Happy is he who is content
4.How to make our campus life more meaningful?
5.No imagination,no invention
6.What is happiness?
7.Knowledge is power
8.The importance of being creative
9.All roads lead to Rome
10.Knowledge and ability
11.Loyalty
12.My views on chatting on the Internet
13.The importance of reading intensively
14.Failure is the mother of success
15.The positive effects of computers
16.Quantity and quality
17.Be the master of your own fate
18.The negative effects of computers
19.Opportunity is never lost
20.One is never too old to learn
21.Help to protect the environment
22.Never say that you can't
23.How to carry out the quality education?
24.What the world will look like in ten years?
25.How can you achieve pure friendship?
Vigor vigour glamour 27.Is world peace possible?
28.How can we preserve our traditional culture?
29.In face of success
30.How can we protect wildlife?
31.What will WTO bring us?
32.How can we overcome the gap between the rich and the poor?
33.Rome was not built in a day
34.United we stand,divided we fall
35.Money can not buy everything
36.Actions speak louder than words
37.What would you do with three wishes?
38.Experience is the best teacher
39.English as a global language
40.A friend in need is a friend indeed
41.Is the spoken English test necessary?
42.Health and wealth
43.Where there's a will there is a way
44.No Pains,no gains 45.Haste makes waste
46.Practice makes perfect
47.Responsibilities college students should undertake
48.What do I study for?
49.The value of moral education
50.The importance of reading extensively
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演讲又叫讲演或演说,是指在公众场所,以有声语言为主要手段,以体态语言为辅助手段,针对某个具体问题,鲜明、完整地发表自己的见解和主张,阐明事理或抒发情感,进行宣传鼓动的一种语言交际活动,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲小技巧,希望对大家有所帮助。
诀窍之一是张开双脚与肩同宽,挺稳整个身躯。另一个诀窍是想办法扩散并减轻施加在身体上的紧张情绪。例如将一只手稍微插入口袋中,或者手触桌边、或者手握麦克风等等。
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如今,许多国际场合都使用英语做为沟通媒介,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语短小经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Life is about choices
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I want to tell you something very important today.
I want to tell you that life is about choices.
You can choose to be miserable or you can choose to enjoy life.
You can choose to improve your health or you can choose to destroy it.
I hope you will make correct choices.
I hope you will choose to enjoy your family, enjoy your friends, enjoy your work, and enjoy your everyday life.
Life is a gift and we really should enjoy every minute of it.
Join the group of people who make good choices.
Enjoy your life!
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